April cases — last of 17-18 term

April 25 is the last day of oral argument this term — when they will take up the “Muslim travel ban” (after sentencing guidelines and Congressional redistricting cases earlier in the week).  After that, the Court will sit each Monday until the end of June in order to announce its decisions in cases argued this term, then will go on summer recess until First Monday in October.

Monday, April 23

The morning cases are rather technical and not recommended for the casual observer, but there is an unusual afternoon argument today that may be of interest.  Chavez-Meza v. United States involves the ongoing confusion regarding sentencing guidelines. This time, the issue is how thoroughly the judge must explain a sentencing reduction on the record.  Scotusblog has a useful preview.

Afternoon arguments are rare and it’s hard to predict how difficult it will be to get in.  Arguments begin at 1:00; morning arguments are 10:00-noon, then there’s a lunch break during which the courtroom is cleared.  Often, it’s been enough to get in line by 11:00.

Tuesday, April 24

Redistricting is before the Court yet again this morning — the third time this term alone. Abbott v. Perez involves protracted litigation over claims that Texas violated the Voting Rights Act when it redrew Congressional districts in 2011. The history of the various lawsuits and interim rulings is critical to understanding this case and being able to follow the arguments, so review the overview from Brennan Center and follow at least some of those links for key documents in the case (the links near the bottom, and particularly the NAACP LDEF amicus brief, will be especially helpful).

The case has been scheduled for 70 minutes, which is slightly more time than usual.  There will be 4 arguing counsel (2 on each side) and 35 minutes total for each side.

The second case today,  Animal Science Products v. Hebei Welcome Pharmaceutical Co., is an antitrust case that raises the question of to what extent US courts should defer to foreign courts’ interpretations of foreign law. See the overview here.

Wednesday, April 25 — the “Muslim Travel Ban”

The Court’s last scheduled argument of the term is Trump v. Hawaii — perhaps the most politicized case in years, as well as one that raises some interesting unanswered academic legal questions.  Obviously, a great deal has been said and written about this case, but below I suggest some specific reading that should help you to follow the legal arguments before the Court.

A general overview will obviously help, but I also suggest some more reading on each of the official “questions presented,” as specified in the grant of cert.:

(1) Whether the respondents’ challenge to the president’s suspension of entry of aliens abroad is justiciable;
[This involves the “political question” or “plenary-power” doctrine and the question of whether certain matters are entrusted by the Constitution to the executive branch alone.  See the argument here.]

(2) whether the proclamation – which suspends entry, subject to exceptions and case-by-case waivers, of certain categories of aliens abroad from eight countries that do not share adequate information with the United States or that present other risk factors – is a lawful exercise of the president’s authority to suspend entry of aliens abroad;
[This question is essentially one of administrative law and statutory interpretation.  The decision below will give a good sense of the argument that the president lacked that authority.]

(3) whether the global injunction barring enforcement of the proclamation’s entry suspensions worldwide, except as to nationals of two countries and as to persons without a credible claim of a bona fide relationship with a person or entity in the United States, is impermissibly overbroad;
[This is a difficult and unresolved legal question — just what is the scope of authority of a district court, for a single region and with specific plaintiffs before it, when the issue in the case is one of national policy with unspecified individuals who may be subject to it?  See the discussion here.]

(4) whether the proclamation violates the establishment clause of the Constitution.
[Here, the Court will take up the argument that the order reflects unconstitutional discrimination on the basis of religion. See this amicus brief from a collection of civil rights organizations arguing that the order should be seen as an act of religious discrimination.]

There are also an extraordinary number of amicus briefs filed in this case, and you may wish to see if any are from organizations you would like to hear from.

Expect the arguments to run long.  So far, the Court has not ordered additional time (although it denied the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty’s request to participate in oral arguments), but it is the only case on the docket today.

People will begin lining up to see the arguments very early, and I wouldn’t be surprised if  no one gets in from the public line who wasn’t in line (or paying a line-stander) for at least 24 hours.  Even if that’s not possible for you, there will be much to see and do on the sidewalk in front of the Court — multiple and competing demonstrations before and during arguments, followed by press conferences as soon as the arguing lawyers leave the building.

December 5 – Voting Rights Act

The Supreme Court and state legislators have been struggling with voting districts as they relate one-person-one-vote principles and racial discrimination in multiple cases over the past several years, and the issues arise again in the two cases scheduled for Monday, December 5.

Amy Howe has an excellent article on Scotusblog that provides a full description of the context and these cases.  Briefly, Bethune-Hill v. Virginia State Board of Elections challenges twelve “majority-minority” districts in Virginia, with one side arguing that African Americans were packed into these districts in order to dilute their voting power in other districts and the other side claiming that the case was filed in order to require re-drawing of the maps after Democrats won the governorship.  The second case, McCrory v. Harris, is a challenge to North Carolina’s infamous NC-1 and NC-12 districts, which look like this:

congressmap01

(via http://www.newsobserver.com/news/politics-government/state-politics/article58756583.html)